Well not yet
… but 42-year-old French economist Thomas Picketty is rocking not only the
hallowed halls of the ivory tower but the corridors of power as well. His new
book, Capital in the 21st
Century, is already on the New York
Times bestseller list and his current tour of the U.S. is drawing interest and
accolades among the Washington and New York elites. The book looks at data on
taxation and income inequality, a topic the author has been working on with fellow
French left-leaning economist Emmanuel Saez for over
a decade. It concludes, in direct conflict with conventional wisdom in the
field from at least the 50s, that mature capitalist economies will inevitably
evolve toward greater
income inequality. In fact, he finds quite the opposite, in that the rate
of return on capital tends to outstrip the overall rate of growth (meaning
imperfect markets with artificially deflated wages, market power or both) and
that this leads to the concentration of wealth at the top of the ladder.
That has
certainly been the case in the United States and UK, where the undereported
story of the conservative revolution revolves around the upward movement of wealth
since the 80s. This renewed interest in income inequality is not solely the
result of two, until recently, obscure French academics of course. It also
revolves around the uncredited influence of the now defunct Occupy movement
and, maybe, the inopportunely released comments about the 47% made by Romney
during his failed campaign for President. The reality today is that income
inequality is dramatically on the rise predominantly because wages of all but
the top earners have been artificially suppressed while merger after merger
have created humongous multinational corporations with substantial market
power. The former allows for higher wages and income at the top of the economic
ladder while the latter allows companies to artificially inflate prices above
their optimal level (thus creating a double-squeeze on the middle class and
poor as their wages decrease as inflation increases).
Picketty
goes far beyond simply relying on the data to speak for him though, to offer
prescriptive policy reform proposals. Among the most controversial is a tax on
wealth that can both redistribute income more fairly and improve economic
growth (as the marginal rate of spending to income is higher the lower an
individual or families’ income is). By acknowledging that economics cannot be
looked out outside the specter of its relationship to the political world,
Picketty moves beyond the limitations that disciplinary boundaries too often
impose on academic research – making it both too arcane and too specific to be
of use to policymakers or the general public. And his dedication to both
democracy and markets makes him a better spokesman for radical social reform
than either Stiglitz or Krugman. Picketty argues in the end that, “capitalism
and markets should be the slave of democracy and not the opposite” and that to
achieve this the average citizen must ““take a serious interest in money, its
measurement, the facts surrounding it and its history.”This is where the more
left-leaning economists and politicians have too often lost the average citizen
and the question now is how to provide quality popular education that can
provide the rudimentary understanding necessary to make these arguments resonate
beyond those corridors of power and money so excited or repelled by these ideas.
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